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Summary. Dozens of members of Congress held assets in biomedical and health-care companies in 2014. Many work on bills crucial to the industry.
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Summary. A medical device called the Lariat was never approved to prevent strokes, but that hasn't stopped physicians from using it for that purpose.
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Summary. Describes the adverse secondary effects of allowing confidentiality agreements in medical malpractice cases.
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Summary. Modern corporate bankruptcy law has been shaped, and some of it written, by special interests. Even so, the law is rooted in American ideals of renewal, and of viewing failure in the marketplace as a sign of effort and gumption, not moral collapse. It’s a powerful idea - shedding the past to begin anew. But for decades, Chapter 11 of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code has also been used strategically - to destroy union contracts, edge out competitors, and limit product liability lawsuits.
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Summary. There is evidence that corruption is a persistent problem in Armenian education and that attempts to tackle it have so far led to less satisfactory results: in the perceptions of the Armenian public, education continues to be a sector particularly affected by the problem.
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Summary. Arguing in a mixed-methods design—drawing on both qualitative data and formal analysis—that much of what lobbyists do isn't really quid pro quo corruption, notwithstanding the appearances.
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Summary. Exhorts academic medical centers not to put risk-management and reputational concerns ahead of the need to support clinicians who wish to provide care in epidemic zones.
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Summary. Describes how allowing the filming of reality TV shows may adversely affect hospital care.
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Summary. In 2014, TransCanada Corporation pushed for the construction of different pipeline projects, including Keystone XL in the United States and Energy East in Eastern Canada. In November 2014, five strategy documents detailing the communication campaign organized by the public relations firm Edelman to help TransCanada gain social support (and political approval) for Energy East were leaked (Edelman 2014). The documents call for a budget to recruit 35,000 “activists” supporting the project through “grassroots” advocacy by using social media, and especially by paying numerous bloggers and key opinion leaders to defend the interests of TransCanada Corp. The documents explain how to transform public opinion and the economic preferences of the population by creating the illusion that a mass-movement in favor of the pipeline existed. One of the five leaked documents even elucidates that it is necessary to take some lessons from the Keystone XL, where the industry mobilized a million activists and generated more than 500,000 proKeystone comments during the public comment period. As the leaked documents explain:It’s not just associations or advocacy groups building these programs in support of the industry. Companies like ExxonMobil, Chevron, Shell and Halliburton (and many more) have all made key investments inbuilding permanent advocacy assets and programs to support their lobbying, outreach and policy efforts.
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Summary. There have been a number of high-profile cases of Congressional bribery over the years. This was especially true in the 109th House (2005-06), during which ranking members such as Tom DeLay, Bob Ney, and “Duke” Cunningham were indicted. Some members of Congress argue that these were just a “few bad apples,” but the public believes that Congress is more widely corrupt. We employ social network analysis to test which view is correct. We analyze comprehensive data on all members of the 109th House, including their roll call voting and receipts of Political Action Committee (PAC) contributions. Our results show that PAC donors had a significant influence on lawmaker voting across party—despite the fact that such influence is illegal under the Federal Bribery Statute. Accordingly, we find strong support for institutional corruption within Congress. Our findings challenge the traditional conceptualization of political bribery as an individual form of occupational crime, and we argue that it should instead be viewed as a state-corporate crime in its own right. We argue further that it can act as a facilitative process that enables other forms of state-corporate offending to occur, thereby causing social harm. The unique ability of social network analysis to treat relationships as a unit of analysis is central in these findings and conclusions. Hence, we contribute to the emerging trend of applying social network analysis in criminology by providing a new application to state-corporate offending.
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Summary. Among the obstacles to developing geothermal resources in Indonesia, corruption linked to fuel subsidies and the permitting of forest areas looms large.
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Summary. Voters are less likely to identify with a political party that has been associated with corruption.
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Summary. Voters distinguish between scandals implicating a chief executive directly and those involving members of the government bureaucracy.
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